Despite scientific consensus on the causes and consequences of climate change in the United States, the author suggests that the US public remains divided and confused about the issue. The author recommends a reframing of the relevance of climate change in ways that connect to a wider audience - not just the informed and engaged US public. Recommends reinforcing the new meanings via a variety of trusted media sources and opinion leaders. Includes tables and references.
While this stimulated a temporary backlash from environmentalists and much of the public during Reagan's first term,2 the "Reagan Revolution," based on the theme that "government is the problem, not the solution," provided electoral success for the Republican Party for a quarter century.3 The antienvironmental orientation of the Republican Party became salient again following the Newt Gingrich-led Republican takeover of Congress in 1994, sparking a modest negative reaction from the public,4 and has been greatly amplified during the George W. Bush administration5 but with little discernible political cost-probably because the war on terror and the Iraq war have until recently dominated the policy agenda.6 A consequence of these trends has been a growing divide along party lines over environmental protection, among other government programs. [...] a significant part of the U.S. conservative movement-made up of conservative foundations, think tanks, media, and public intellectuals-mobilized in the 1990s to challenge both climate science and climate policy.10 Conservative activists wrote hundreds of documents (including policy briefs, books, press releases, and op-eds), held numerous policy forums and press conferences, appeared regularly on television and radio programs, and testified at congressional hearings on global warming.11 It would appear that the vigorous conservative campaign against climate science (particularly the findings of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)) and climate change advocates (especially Al Gore) has contributed to leaders of the Republican Party adopting a highly skeptical view of global warming.
Eligible households installed the recommended retrofits at an average rate of 5.3 percent per year, but there was tremendous variation across the utilities, with rates ranging from 1.4-19.3 percent per year, depending on how a utility marketed and implemented its version of the program-a difference between getting all the homes retrofitted in about 70 years or 5 years.26 Community-based efforts that use informal social networks to help spread the word-for example, neighborhood cooperation in a campaign to caulk and weather-strip homes-can make multicomponent programs more effective.27 Finally, there is room for regulatory approaches, such as tightening standards for energy equipment, especially home insulation and water-heaters where energy efficiency is a major but invisible product attribute.
Growth in biofuels production offers many promises, as well as threats, for the future course of sustainable development. Discussed is how the crop-based biofuels is causing the global energy and agriculture markets to become increasingly interrelated. As the two industries compete for the same cropland, strained natural resources and the threat of rising prices have implications for the environment and food-insecure people around the world
20 years ago the Brundt Commission revealed a bleak picture of our oceans and other shared ecosystems. Suggests that in the last two decades following the report very little has been done to address global resource systems, or 'commons' with overfishing of the oceans, deforestation, and dumping of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere continuing on a large scale. Establishing effective governance arrangements on a large scale has been limited, whilst there have been successful small-scale changes, as the result of collaborative policies